Suddenly being the experienced Washington insider who was number two to Obama could be more of an resource than a liability, says Guardian correspondent Jonathan Freedland

Joe Biden is a candidate whose rendition on the stump series from naughtily flawed to horrendous. He is a weaving, unfocused orator, often unable to complete a sentence, let alone a belief, with a record in place that is decidedly patchy, impaired by several past postures he fights to defend. And hitherto Biden is now the frontrunner for his party’s nomination to take on Donald Trump. What’s more, the current mood, and specifically the threat of coronavirus, might just turn his defining weakness into a forte- and give him a serious shot at the White House.

I learnt his disadvantages for myself last month in Hudson, New Hampshire, as he paced around a high school gymnasium deliver a ramble monologue that indicated a politician reservoir past his prime. Stronger on autobiography than programme, he strung together childhood recollections, adages learnt him by his father and a kind of baffled anger that Trump’s America was not a country he recognised any more: “What’s this all about?” he requested, as if befuddled.” What do we stand for ?” In New Hampshire, he finished fifth.

Yet in the last seven days Biden has staged what is surely the most remarkable turnaround in modern US political record, a massive win in South Carolinasetting off a chain reaction that brought victories across the south and midwest on Super Tuesday. Exclusively Bernie Sanders now stands between Joe Biden and the nomination, with the delineate of upcoming primary games tilted in the latter’s favour.

Sanders likes to say it was the” political and corporate constitution” that handed victory to Biden, but that’s a extend. For one thing, the Biden campaign was all but divulge going to get Super Tuesday, outspent by Sanders by a ratio of seven-to-one( and outspent by Mike Bloomberg by 100 -to-1 ). Biden has there a skeletal existence on the floor, dwarfed by Sanders’ enormous grassroots procedure. Besides, it was not the establishment that turned out for Biden, but African-American voters- the most systematically faithful radical within the Democratic coalition- who backed him over Sanders by vast, suppressing margins. Along with suburban females, it was color America , not corporate America, that prepared the difference.

There are plenty of assignments here. One is that fund and organisation are not the decisive factors they were assumed to be: just ask Bloomberg, who spend $500 m and prevailed not a single territory, while Biden acquired nations he didn’t even see. Another is that sexism and its offshoot – second-guessing other people’s sexism – pervades US politics. Elizabeth Warren was the smartest candidate in the Democratic battlefield, the most accomplished debater and may well have became the best president, but she could not make headway. I received part of the cause for myself in New Hampshire, speaking to countless women who admired Warren profoundly, and were desperate to see a woman in the White House, but who the hell is ruefully is felt that their fellow citizens were just not “ready” to build that happen. They had investigated how misogynistic uneasines with an older, opinionated girl had proved fatal to Hillary Clinton in 2016 and they were not prepared to risk a repeat of that in 2020. So they voted vote for a humanity instead.

One aspect of the Biden resurrection was foretold, contained within the very structure of this race. Referendums is constantly shown that while Sanders could dominate between 25% and 30% of Democratic voters, a clear majority were either anti- or non-Sanders voters. The fus was, for a whole year and until this week, that non-Sanders majority had at least five faces. After South Carolina, formerly Pete Buttigieg and Amy Klobuchar had stopped out, it began to have fewer, and eventually merely one. Once the non-Sanders camp was unfragmented, it could start winning.

Perhaps unavoidably, the face it chose was a familiar one, are integral to a person whom Democrat feel they’ve known for ever, whom most of them confidence and like. Even the voters I assembled who were not approval Joe Biden described him the same way: as a “good man”, as a” really decent person”, as someone of heat and “empathy”. Americans know the losses he has tolerated. His first wife and daughter were killed during a auto clang when Biden was 30; his eldest son, Beau, died of cancer aged 46. Biden’s best times in Hudson came as he listened to people talk of the anguish the government has tolerated.” Like the majority of members of you, I’ve lost a lot in my lifetime ,” he said.” But I’ll be damned if I’m going to stand by and lose my country .” That ability to show basic human rapport could count in a country that is currently frightful, even poising itself for disaster.

Which wreaks us to the coronavirus. For four decades, the US right has had great success in persuading voters that government is the problem , not the answer. That’s experienced its most extreme form in Trump, elected on an implicit pledge to shake the whole thing up, if not burn it all down. He’s gutted government departments and run down federal agencies, left uprights abandoned or crowded them with chums, applauded on by a basi that for years has sounded the fire-breathers of Fox News and talk radio thrown” authority bureaucrats” as the enemy.

But how does such talk audio now, when people are trembling at their chances of a pandemic? In a moment like this, people don’t turn against government, they be returned to it. In good times, you might get applause railing against “federal officials” or” society experts “. In a crisis, those are precisely the people with the authority to get a grip and give reassurance.

Suddenly, Biden’s 50 years as a Washington insider can be presented little as a indebtednes than an resource, because that’s half a century of valuable ordeal. Better still, Biden is remembered as the number two in “the worlds largest” unflappably efficient administration most Americans have ever known, namely the one manager by Barack Obama. The detail that Obama chose Biden as his agent has meant that, even without making an explicit endorsement, Obama has long served as Biden’s manager reputation witness. Now that route on the resume counts for even more, with Biden’s presence in the team that is president of an economic recovery and determined with stability and calm-” No drama Obama” they announced it- a prime credential.

That will help Biden if he faces Trump, but it could also ensure he does. For Bernie Sanders’ label is not one of steady calm so much as upheaval and “revolution”. That thrills his most dedicated followers but, Tuesday’s makes advocate, it scares off those who yearn for stability.( At a crucial moment a fortnight ago, after he’d won in Nevada, Sanders could have moved to assuage those dreads; instead he reinforced them, defending his past praise for the record of Fidel Castro .)

At any other time, Biden’s age, way and CV could have fated his candidacy. But with a plague tower, Americans might just view a shortcoming person of undoubted empathy and with an intimate knowledge of loss, a gentleman who’s exhaust a lifetime inside the US government, as something like a remedy.

* Jonathan Freedland is a Guardian columnist


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