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The astonishing disappearing act of Beto O’Rourke

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#Betomania became #Betofatigue in six short months can the Texas Democrat rise again and indicate voters what type of president hed be?

When Beto O’Rourke travelled to Yosemite in California to unveil his $ 5tn plan on climate change, a ruffle of amaze swept America. How did the towering white-hot person with the funny first name known for his punk past, Beatnik road errands and fondness for campaigning atop counters get to be the first Democratic campaigner to extol on the crisis of our age?

This wasn’t the O’Rourke that the country had grown used to during his battle with Ted Cruz last November for a US Senate seat. Then, the Texas Democrat had propelled himself to within three percentage points of succes, and with it national fame, by making viral speeches about NFL actors takinga knee and by instilling hope through a feel-good but rather wishy-washy call to unity.

Now here he was framed against the grace of Yosemite Falls, delivering a granular plan of action worthy of the most nerdish policy wonk. Coming from a politician from oil-rich Texas who has been criticized for his track record on fossil fuel, his proposals for the largest 10 -year investment in history and a goal of net-zero releases by 2050 caught many off guard.

” We were agreeably amazed ,” said David Turnbull of the climate advocacy group Oil Change US.” When you accompany someone like Beto O’Rourke calling for the elimination of fossil fuel gives and an outcome to fossil fuel leasing on public districts- that’s moving in the right direction .”

There was another group of beings hoping to be pleasantly surprised by the Yosemite announcement that day- O’Rourke himself and his crew of expedition consultants. They have been battling with one of the great mystical riddles of the early stage of the 2020 presidential election.

That is: the astonishing disappearing act of Beto O’Rourke.

Beto
Beto O’Rourke listen to environmental proposes on 29 April 2019, in Yosemite national park, California. Photograph: Marcio Jose Sanchez/ AP

Like Houdini, O’Rourke has run from figurehead of stagecoach to a puff of fume in six short months. #Betomania morphed into #Betofatigue, apparently overnight.

Look back on the events of 7 November 2018, when he delivered his assent communication, having lost to Cruz in a packed sports stadium in El Paso, and you can see the oppose. At that time he was lauded as the politician who are likely do the hopeless: challenge a virulent Republican like Ted Cruz in a solid red government like Texas and come within an inch of victory.

Next stop Donald Trump? But from the moment he launched his presidential bid in March, he has been struggling. Those very qualities that had been the recipe of his relative success in Texas unexpectedly became liabilities.

His charming behaviors and good looks were thrown back in his face as white-hot advantage. That wasn’t helped when he opened Vanity Fair a gift of a one-liner on the eve of launch-” Man, I’m just endure are in conformity with it”- that drawn numerous Democrat wince.

The mere decision to run for the White House was interpreted as chutzpah. As the Daily Beast callously threw it:” Reacting to losing to Ted Cruz by loping for chairperson is like failing to land a role in a community theater production and determined to take your genius to Broadway .”

In the latest poll from Quinnipiac university, O’Rourke is attracting a glum 5% of Democrats and Democratic-leaning voters. He is being outgunned on 10% by Pete Buttigieg, the mayor of South Bend, Indiana, who has stolen much of his thunder.

” We’ve seen Mayor Pete take a leading role in the beginner district ,” said Quinnipiac’s Peter Brown who prophesied worse to come.” We’ve got 18 months to go and I gamble there will be other fresh faces taking the spotlight .”

So what happens next to O’Rourke now that the spotlight has fluctuated away from him? Can he completed the Houdini trick and make a reappearance? And if he can, what kind of potential president would he present to the American people?

‘He was always exceedingly focused’

Examining those questions, it quickly becomes clear that all roads Beto lead to El Paso. That’s the dust-covered, sunbaked borderline municipality in Texas where he was born Robert Francis O’Rourke in 1972.

His father, Pat, was a businessman and judge, and his mother, Melissa, moved a furniture accumulation. They were comfortably off and are integral parts of the white middle class elite in a city that is 80% Latino.

O’Rourke’s opponents have tried to depict his youth as one of fecklessness and gluttony. Rightwing pundits like to poke him for the mention “Beto”, claiming it is a conceit designed to suggest that he has Latino roots, which he does not.

They also point to a drunk-driving episode in 1998, his teenaged toying with his punk band Foss and to the period when he struggled around in New York City working as a glorified maid. Reuters recently encouraged to that pile of possibilities negative attempt fabric with the revelation that O’Rourke had secretly belonged to the prominent “hactivist” radical Cult of the Dead Cow.

But those who have known O’Rourke for years say they do not recognize this caricature of the spoiled wildernes son from the border town. Take Maggie Asfahani, a scribe and El Paso restaurateur, who had a teenaged woo with O’Rourke when he was at an all-male boarding school in Virginia.

Asfahani clearly recalls their first encounter in an El Paso mall when he was back on holiday. Her memory instantly employs to rest any suggestion that ” Beto ” was an adult affectation.” I’d imagined this Mexican kid, given the name, but there was this really tall white guy. I can categorically dismiss all that speculation- he was’ Beto’ at least since I’ve known him in high school .”

Asfahani can also, incidentally, put to rest any scurrilous talk about a much procreated picture of O’Rourke flanked by his Foss bandmates in which he wears a long floral dress.

” I want to put one across the record, that is my dress he’s wearing ,” she said.” There’s nothing especially complicated about it- we were all hanging out, and someone thought it would be funny if we switched clothes, the girls and people. That was all, simply being different .”

What struck Asfahani then as now was something that’s been lost amid the presidential chatter – his seriousness.” He was always exceedingly focused. He was this strenuously intelligent, curious person who was into things, ever wanting to learn things, always with a notebook in his hands .”

Asfahani remains in touch with O’Rourke to this day. She conceives the flak he has taken over unearned right since he entered the 2020 race, based on her knowledge of the man, has been unfair.

” It impresses me he is finding his course on the national stage ,” she said.” He’s being open and honest and susceptible, hoping parties will relate to that and envision themselves in it. That’s not a glitch: it has been his personality since I’ve known him .”

‘He learned how to take vigour from crowds’

O’Rourke’s entry into politics followed his return to El Paso, the prodigal son, at age 26. Having been largely away since his teens, he re-engaged with the city, setting up Stanton Street, an internet busines combined with a short-lived alternative newspaper.

His political thoughts organized around his ambitions for El Paso, which in the late 90 s was economically depressed and suffered by a brain drain of young person. O’Rourke forged a bail with four friends who came to be known as the Progressives, one of whom, Veronica Escobar , now occupies the El Paso congressional tush evacuated by O’Rourke.

” What motivated him was the notion that El Paso didn’t have to settle for being a low-key, down-at-heel city which was fine with exporting its offsprings ,” said Bob Moore, former editor of El Paso Times who has known O’Rourke since his return in 1998.

The Progressives’ ideals for their metropoli contributed all four friends to stand for neighbourhood part. All four won, with O’Rourke to intervene in the El Paso city council in 2005.

Moore recalls that in his political infancy O’Rourke cut a paradoxically diffident person for a gentleman now contesting for the White House.” By sort he’s a profoundly private person. He was very awkward when he first flowed for place, unpleasant in big groups. Then he taught to take force from audiences, and that has changed him .”

Despite such initial reticence, O’Rourke championed some radical and highly contentious campaigns. He became a passionate advocate of legalization of marijuana long before it was de rigueur, authoring a volume with fellow Progressive Susie Byrd, Dealing Death And Drugs, that argued powerfully that the US war on dopes was a disaster for both sides of the US-Mexican border.

He also fought to extend health benefits to unmarried and same-sex partners of city workers, then a hot potato in heavily Catholic El Paso.

You will hear O’Rourke projecting his track record on marijuanas and LGBT privileges on the presidential campaign trail. You are much less likely to catch any reference to a third controversy that steadfast him as city councilor, and still does to this day: the redevelopment of downtown El Paso.

The plan to revitalize downtown with a new sports arena, Walmart and other facilities preceded O’Rourke’s time on the council, having been initiated in 2004. But he cuddled it keenly.

Beto
Beto O’Rourke walks with his wife, Amy Hoover Sanders, and his three children, Ulysses, Henry and Molly in El Paso on 6 November 2018. Photograph: Paul Ratje/ AFP/ Getty Images

His involvement became problematic for two main reasons. The first was his family ties to the mastermind behind the intention, multi-millionaire real estate magnate William Sanders. Months after O’Rourke joined the council, he married Amy Sanders and William Sanders became his father-in-law.

The downtown project was a private-public partnership. The private side involved a civic organization called the Paso del Norte Group, PDNG, which Sanders set up with some of his super-wealthy friends from El Paso.

Controversy erupted when it emerged that O’Rourke was also a member. Did his position, with one hoof in the private PDNG side of the deal and the other on the public council side, amount to a conflict of interest? He was slapped with an moralities complaint, later dismissed.

O’Rourke initially voted in the council to go ahead with the evolution propose, but as local fighting changed he recused himself from several key votes. Further cries of foul play sunk on him in 2012, when O’Rourke made an insurgent’s bid to unseat the incumbent Congressman for El Paso, Silvestre Reyes.

A company owned by Sanders lent $40,000 to a Republican-backedSuper Pac that invested in attack ads against Reyes, contributing to O’Rourke’s underdog victory and affording him a leg-up to Washington.

In a recent interview with the American Prospect, O’Rourke disclaimed any conflict relating to his father-in-law. Sanders” saw it the standard rules that he religiously followed, never to talk politics”, he said.

But the Sanders connection still rankles with activists opposed to the downtown scheme such as David Romo, a producing is part of the main dissent group Paso del Sur. He said that O’Rourke’s connections to Sanders takes the reflect off his current claim that as a presidential campaigner he eschews big bucks and is running a ” people’s expedition “.

Romo told the Guardian that in his view O’Rourke’s role in the redevelopment castings doubts concerning his 2020 candidacy.” What happened in El Paso tells me that the solution to our national questions does not come from a multi-millionaire funded by billionaires who does their bidding .”

Romo is a celebrated historian of El Paso’s revolutionary past and as such is an articulate exponent of the second criticism leveled at O’Rourke over the redevelopment scheme- that he sided with gentrification despite the injure it would inflict on poverty-stricken Latino residents and historic El Paso.” He was the jolly face of ugly gentrification .”

O’Rourke is denying that he surfaced with gentrifiers, holding his intention was to breathe new life into the dilapidated soul of a major metropolitan. He did tell the American Prospect, though, that in hindsight he accepts that he did” a really poor place of like to hear that disapproval “.

‘He certainly does need to answer questions’

Similar controversy followed O’Rourke to Washington. Whether it originated from his innate pragmatism as a politician who tends to decide each topic as it comes rather than following dogma, or whether it was because of his springs in Texas, a state that has been dominated by Republicans for the past 20 years, his voting record in Congress was striking for its lack of party purity.

Although El Paso strays overwhelmingly Democratic, a fivethirtyeight.com tracker indicates that he voted 30% of the time in line with Trump. Compare that to his presidential challengers: Kamala Harris( 17% ), Bernie Sanders( 14%) or Elizabeth Warren( 13% ).

That didn’t matter much in his senatorial race last-place November. But then he was running against Ted Cruz, one of the most toxic rightwing senators who even fellow Republicans announce ” Lucifer in the flesh “.

In that race he proved himself to have several of the qualities that might appeal to Democratic voters looking for a presidential campaigner capable of beating Trump, first and foremost his ability to turn out the vote. He indicated himself adept in plead to young people, African Americans, Latinos and suburban white maidens- electoral radicals all likely to play a crucial role in 2020 in deciding Trump’s fate.

But the road to the presidential nomination is proving to be a stonier path for O’Rourke than his itinerary last year. By taking his safarus national he has moved on to much more fertile ground for a Democrat than the traditionally arid clay of Texas, yet it has come at the price of crisply intensified scrutiny.

Which creates O’Rourke back to his climate change announcement amid the splendour of Yosemite Falls. Fossil fuel activists may have been pleasantly surprised by O’Rourke’s robust program, but that doesn’t mean they have forgotten that his relationship with the oil industry has been complicated.

He paused for weeks before agreeing to sign the No Fossil Fuel Money Pledge in which candidates forego all subscriptions above $200 from Pacs, lobbyists and executives of fossil fuel business. The assurance was particularly sensitive for O’Rourke, who according to Open Secret admitted more contributions from oil and gas in 2018 than any congressional nominee other than Ted Cruz.

He has said his hesitancy was out of concern for ordinary laborers in the industry who should be allowed to participate. The the organisers of the pledge however was also emphasized that only the donations of top honchoes were excluded.

In the end, he did sign the donate, two days after his Yosemite declaration.

Another sticking point is that O’Rourke voted twice in Congress to promote a 40 -year ban on US exports of crude oil. He tried to justify the voting rights in October 2015, two months ago the Paris Agreement on combating climate change was adopted by 195 societies, by arguing that US crude was cleaner than that of other nations and” the lubricant that quantities the current dominant mode of transportation will have to come from somewhere “.

The lifting of the ban has led to a massive spike in US crude exportations, from well under 1m barrels a day to more than 3m per period currently.” There’s been a dangerous and problematic increase in the extraction of crude oil driven by exports in the US. He genuinely does need to answer questions about that referendum ,” David Turnbull of Oil Change US said.

It all points to the steep uphill climb that Beto O’Rourke faces if he is to claw his mode back into the Democratic spotlight. The Yosemite announcement made a solid start, interposing American voters to a more serious, focused politician than they had previously been shown.

Now the real scramble begins.

Golfer Bill Haas secreted from hospital after automobile disintegrate that killed driver

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Professional golfer Bill Haas escaped serious injuries following a accident in Los Angeles that killed one person and also involved actor Luke Wilson

‘ I did very best I could with what I had …’: columnists on the Philip Roth they knew

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A daring explorer of self-love is recollected by Robert McCrum, David Hare and Hannah Beckerman

Robert McCrum:’ His late prose has the command, pattern and clarity of greatness’

When I interviewed Philip Roth in 2008, the year of his 75 th birthday, at his pastoral home in upstate Connecticut, there appears to be principally three things on his attention: outliving his contemporaries and challengers; the ongoing fuss about the Nobel committee( would they/ wouldn’t they ?) and Portnoy’s Complaint .

As Roth, who died last week, at persons under the age of 85- only a few eras after another master of American prose, Tom Wolfe– moves into the literary pantheon, those first two perturbs have become irrelevant or insignificant, but that exasperation with the legacy of Portnoy was prescient. This “shocking” romance is now more than 60 years old, but some readers still haven’t got over his brilliant, comic expedition of a young man’s annoyed sex drive, especially as it might relate to an Jewish-American boy’s mother. A fiction in the guise of a acknowledgment, it was taken by many American readers as a admission in the guise of a tale: Portnoy became an immediate bestseller and a succes fou .

Let us not forget, in honouring Roth’s exit, that to facilitate his solitary passion, Portnoy bids a far richer arsenal of fornication assistants than most horny young men: old socks, his sister’s underwear, a baseball glove and- notoriously- a slice of liver for the Portnoy family dinner. This is the” talking antidote” Freud never foresaw, a manic speech, to mention its generator, by” a lust-ridden, mother-addicted, young Jewish bachelor”, a farcical denunciation that they are able to apply” the id back in yid “. Perhaps only Harold Pinter, to whom, as a young man, Roth bore some resemblance, have had an opportunity to framed such a memorable and outrageous line.

Philip Milton Roth was born into their own families of second-generation American Jews from Newark, New Jersey,” before pantyhose and frozen foods”, he liked to say, in 1933. His parents were devoted to their son.” To be at all ,” he writes of his mother and father-god in his autobiography,” is gonna be her Philip[ and] my biography still takes its revolve from beginning as his Roth .”

He came of age in Eisenhower’s America, growing up in the neighbourhoods, across the Hudson, temporarily separated from the glittering lures of Manhattan, but part of a generation of young Americans, also including William Styron, John Updike and Saul Bellow, who wanted to re-examine and replace their own communities in the aftermath of the second world war, the Holocaust and Hiroshima. Roth’s seniors- Norman Mailer, Gore Vidal and Kurt Vonnegut- had already shown the acces in their vivaciou takeover of the American novel. Roth, very, would set about this assignment through his notebooks, erupting on to the surprisingly genteel American literary incident with Goodbye, Columbus in 1959.

From his precocious beginnings, Roth learned to endure the kind of attention that might have led even the most dedicated headline-hog into distracted solipsism: a prolonged grumble of low-grade hostility, the spiteful scrutiny of literary minnows and, after Portnoy’s Complaint was published in 1969, relentless jokes about” whack off “. How quaint his literary misdemeanours seem today. From many points of view, Roth’s profession epitomised the humorist Peter de Vries’s observation about American characters that” one dreams of the goddess Fame- and breezes up with the bitch Publicity “.

Some commentators still lecture him for his insouciance towards meeting, and his assaults on the American dream. Had he, I wondered, when we assembled, ever unconsciously courted anger?” I don’t have any sense of audience ,” he replied,” least of all when I’m writing. The gathering I’m writing for is me, and I’m so busy trying to figure the damn thing out, and having so much trouble, that the last thing I must be considered is:’ What is X, Y, or Z going to be thinking of it ?'” There, in a convict, is the genuine Roth: neurotic, obsessive, haughty and self-centred. The only thing that’s missing is the outrageous humor( parody, fantasy, satires and riffs) that attended any discussion with the writer when he was in the mood, and on a roll.

Barack
Barack Obama awarding the 2011 Medal of Art and Humanities to Philip Roth at the White House, March 2011. Photograph: Patsy Lynch/ Rex/ Shutterstock

The savage indignation desegregated with self-hating rage that characterised the young Roth pitched him, as a young man, into a world of banal public curiosity. He would invest most of his mature life absconding its Furies, insisting that his fiction was not autobiographical. But anyway: so what? The themes of his early employment were the constant themes of his wield as a whole: the sexual identity of the Jewish-American male and the troubling intricacies of any rapport with the opposite sex.

Those pundits who, on his death, have complained about Roth’s “narcissism” and associated infractions, are missing the level. Such remorseless self-examination- from Tristram Shandy and Huckleberry Finn to Tender Is the Night and The Naked and the Dead – is the novel’s timeless business. For Roth, Portnoy adjusted the template for all his labour, the delicate torture of literary self-contemplation.” No modern columnist ,” Martin Amis once saw,” has taken self-examination so far and so literally .”

After Portnoy , Roth took refuge from personality in his alter ego, Nathan Zuckerman, and from the pressures of American literary life in long trances of tripping across Europe and England, culminating in his wedlock to the actress Claire Bloom. This middle-of-the-road reporting period his story, dominated by the Zuckerman fictions, and his second marriage( his first bride have been killed in a auto disintegrate in 1968) became increasingly troubled by his quest for artistic fulfilment.

The Zuckerman notebooks, for example, The Anatomy Lesson and The Counterlife , thrilled and enraged Roth’s reviewers and devotees.” Lives into fibs, floors into lives ,” seen the literary critic and biographer Hermione Lee,” that’s the name of Roth’s double activity .” The novelist himself detested to be asked about his alter egos.” Am I Roth or Zuckerman ?” he would gripe.” It’s all me. Nothing is me .” Or, in Deception :” I write myth and I’m told it’s autobiography; I write autobiography and I’m told it’s story. So since I’m so dim and they’re so smart, give them decide what it is or isn’t .”

As much as the wildernes fun of a novelist be provided to memorable comic effusions, this prickliness was typical. His self-assured belief in his profound ability firstly animated and then poisoned his relationship with Bloom who, having declared that she wanted” to invest my life with this remarkable man”, divorced him in 1995, after years of provocation. Roth had placed his adultery into myths such as Deception ( 1990 ), a ruthlessly precise report of an American husband’s fled from a anxious spouse in his affair with a raised English girl. Bloom got her reprisal in 1996 in Leaving a Doll’s House .

After the break with Bloom, Roth retreated into splendid isolation in Connecticut, working day and night, a lonely and preferably tetchy old person with a notoriously short fuse. He celebrated “peoples lives” in his 1979 fiction The Ghost Writer :” Purity. Serenity. Simplicity. Seclusion. All one’s concentration and flamboyance and originality reserved for the gruelling, exalted, transcendent calling … this is how I will live .” Sequestered with his muse, artistically he was free. As if to baffle F Scott Fitzgerald’s celebrated maxim that” there are no second acts in American lives”, he hurled himself into a frenzy of piece.” If I get up at five and I can’t sleep and I want to work ,” he told the New Yorker ,” I go out and I to work .”

The novels of Roth’s old age still leave many American scribes half his age in his junk. The turning of the 20 th century experienced the amazing late flowering of his imagination in American Pastoral ( 1997 ), I Married a Communist ( 1998 ), The Human Stain ( 2000 ), and a spookily prophetic The Plot Against America ( 2004 ). Now, at long last, he was no longer an enfant terrible, but America’s elder statesman of letters. His late prose has the authority, rhythm and clarity of greatness: words written and rewritten in nearly monkish seclusion.

In his final years, he lived alone, at least up there. In New York, where he wintered, as a literary lion, it was a different story. On my visit to his rural paradise, once the business of the interrogation was over, he evidenced off the kitty in which he affection to swim, his lawns and, eventually, the simple wooden role in which he would write, standing up, as if on guard at the doors of the American imagination. Never a era legislated when he did not stare at those three despicable terms: qwertyuiop, asdfghjkl and zxcvbnm. As he formerly said, rather grimly:” So I labor, I’m on call. I’m like a doctor and it’s an emergency room. And I’m the emergency .”

Roth’s late fictions were really novellas, but they are also dominated, and received, respectful notice, at least from those who were not troubled by the hoary old-fashioned the allegations of ” misogyny” and “narcissism”. Perhaps Roth felt his dissolve was near. With surprising meeknes, he expressed the wish to paraphrased the valedictory terms of the great boxer, Joe Louis:” I did the best I could with what I had .”

In 2007, he publicized Exit Ghost , his farewell to Zuckerman, and then, in 2010, a goodbye to all works, his last-place tale, Nemesis . In 2012, he told the BBC that he would write no more and ease himself” ever deeper daily into the redoubtable Valley of the Shadow “. Recognising his prominence on the American scene, the Observer praised” the sheer revel of his style- that sustained, lucid, accurate and subtly cadenced prose that are in a position preserve you inside the dynamic remembers of one of his characters for as many sheets as he wants “. In a road, that’s beside the point. His subject remained, to the end, in the words of Martin Amis,” himself, himself, himself “.

Robert McCrum is a former Observer literary editor. His most recent work is Every Third Thought( Picador )

Hannah Beckerman:’ He shed questions back at you, drew you engaged your corner’

Beckerman
Beckerman with Roth outside his writing studio in Connecticut, 2003. Photograph: Courtesy of Hannah Beckerman

It was a Wednesday afternoon when my telephone call at work.

” Can I speak to Hannah Beckerman ?” an American voice expected.” It’s Philip Roth .”

It was 2002, and I was a 27 -year-old BBC television producer. A few weeks previously, I’d transmit a letter to Roth’s agent in New York, pitching the relevant recommendations for a documentary to differentiate his 70 th birthday. In those epoches I move a lot of speculative letters to generators I admired and rarely got a reply, let alone a personal phone call.

” So, shall we talk about this film you want to construct ?”

Over the next hour, Roth and I has spoken about his labour: about accusations of misogyny (” I’m not a misogynist. I’ve never understood people saying that “); about parent-child relations in American Pastoral ; about whether Mickey Sabbath was an unlikable persona.” He’s angry, but don’t you think he has good reason to be angry ?” Roth did that a lot: shed the question back at you, drew you engaged your area, obliged “youve got to” interrogate your own position.

At the end of the label, Roth said we should ” speak again “. Over the course of the next year, about once a week my phone would echo and a articulation would say:” Hannah, it’s Philip .” We talked about his duty, American literature, my Jewish grandfather, politics. Strangely, at the time, those summons didn’t strike me as amazing. I hindered no gazette of them, as I might do now. Perhaps it was the folly of teenager, or perhaps it was because those communications were, above all else, fun. Even when he was challenging me- and I be informed of being maintained on my toes – his incisive humour burst through.

A year later, Roth agreed to take part in the documentary. It was only then that I realised he’d been vetting me: he wanted to know that I understood his drive, that I appreciated it, that I was going to treat him- and his novels- with integrity.

It was a snowy February afternoon when I arrived in Connecticut with two BBC peers. We converged Roth for dinner at a restaurant. He was funny and sharp-worded, just as he’d been during our telephone call. We shared a dessert: something with chocolate. A friend of his arrived and joined us for alcohols. Only later did I discover it was the film director Milos Forman.

The next morning, we arrived at his home: a large, grey-headed clapboard live nestled in the timbers on a street you probably wouldn’t find if you weren’t looking for it. Roth refuted the door in tracksuit feet and an age-old sweatshirt.” I’m doing my exercisings. Come on in .” The sitting room was light-colored and airy, with large-scale windows that allow in the low-spirited winter sunbathe, and there was music playing. We chatted while he employed on a matting laid down by on the shiny wooden storey. The house was lives in: bookshelves, two lounges facing one another in the middle of the room, an ancient Tv. I established him how to work his misbehaving VHS machine, and he talked me through the pictures stuck to his fridge: vintage pictures, mailing-cards of Jackson Pollock depicts( he was a fan of Pollock , not so much Rothko ). He pointed out the pond in the garden where he swam and shown us his writing studio- only a few steps from the house and made from the same grey clapboard- terminated with the lectern where he now wrote standing up to accommodate his bad back.

In the three days I spent filming with him, Roth was easygoing, good companionship- far removed from the angry, misanthropic personas in some of his novels, temperament mannerisms so many commentators have wrongly attributable to Roth himself.

A couple of months later, my mobile phone rang. It was Roth to tell me he’d seen the documentary and enjoy it.” But who the hell was that actor you got to do the learnings from my fictions? His voice was all wrong .” Roth was right: the actor had been badly thrown. And that final phone call from Roth summing-ups him up perfectly: generous but challenging, creating a wry smile while foreground corrects, and with an ravenous vigor to question everything around him.

Hannah Beckerman is a novelist, correspondent and farmer of the BBC film Philip Roth’s America

David Hare:’ American fervour for newness was the source of his inspiration’

Philip
Philip Roth revisiting a childhood recur in Newark, New Jersey, 1968. Photograph: Bob Peterson/ The Life Images Collection/ Getty

I first fit Philip Roth through a mutual affection with his fellow novelist Julian Mitchell. They had been students together in the United Government. But it was when he was living in England in the early 1980 s that we thrived closer.

His first reason for being in London was that he was with Claire Bloom. But the move too suited his determinations. Even a columnist of his steely decide was spent by all the hysteria attendant on the publication of Portnoy’s Complaint . You could tell how relieved he was to be living in one of the leafier parts of South Kensington and to work together daily in a quiet room in Notting Hill.

Philip was pure scribe through and through, and he was deeply interested in, and extremely generous towards, anyone who he thought took writing as earnestly as he did. In particular, he demonstrated a whimsical interest in younger peers like me, Christopher Hampton and Ian McEwan. He liked the facts of the case that Christopher and I acted in the theater, because Philip clearly had an itch for the stage, which he didn’t know how to scratch.( He did eventually change The Cherry Orchard for Claire to play Madame Ranyevskaya in Chichester ).

We took to having lunch together every couple of weeks in a chic restaurant called Monsieur Thompson’s. Philip was the wittiest conversationalist you could imagine, and it didn’t take long to notice that all his gaiety and frothing splendour were directed towards disclosing hypocrisy. He just hated beings constituting as better than they were. He revelled in the romp Pravda , which Howard Brenton and I wrote about a Murdoch-like newspaper proprietor, and equally in Anthony Hopkins’s devilish rendition, because he said it was a sign that I was eventually facing up to the fact that I wasn’t, in his messages,” a nice son “. In life, I could pretend to be nice if I required, that was my business, but it was a useless position from which to write. Men and women were good and evil, devious and kind, fine and shortcoming. You could only write well if you stopped pretending to be virtuous.

There were experiences when talking to him, say, about his first bride, that I began to wonder whether he was overly in love with a writer’s necessary ruthlessness. Because I once happened to be in New York, he asked me to stand in on his behalf opening the wing of a library in his old college at Bucknell in Pennsylvania. When I returned, he was desperate to hear everything about the reason, as though there were more fictional juice for him in things being read through my borrowed gazes instead through his own. There was a voyeuristic shine when I told him which of his old classmates had “re out there”, what were they wearing, and how they had reacted to the speech he had given me to read.

In time, Monsieur Thompson’s folded, and “hes taking” instead to lunching in Spudulike. Suddenly, there was America’s most famous novelist, unrecognised, daily eating a baked potato and coleslaw, right next to Notting Hill tube. It was in Spudulike that he kept trying to persuade me to go to the Middle East. He believed the fanatical Jewish pioneers were amusing. When I complained that religious zealotry was his subject matter , not mine, he replied:” I predict you, David, these people are so crazy there’s room enough for all of us .”

By the time he left the UK, there were aspects of his behaviour- in relation to his romantic life with Claire, and to violent severances with one or two of his best friends- that had a brand-new and startling inhumanity. He claimed to be driven away by upper-class antisemitism. But in fact it turned out he needed to get back home for a simpler reason. American fervour for newness was the source of his inspiration.

He followed up his expatriate with “the worlds largest” astonishing led of any contemporary novelist: Sabbath’s Theater , American Pastoral and The Human Stain . In urban Connecticut he paid the local paper shop 25 pennies extra to deliver his New York Times with the culture section rent out, because it enraged him so much better. Critics who had once accused him of obscenity now changed the charge to misogyny. But they were missing the point. We were entering a pious epoch in which, in public, beings were going to claim to be without grime, labouring as hard on their impeccable ethical standings as they did on their abs and their pecs. But Philip, in our lifetime, was the supreme anatomist of the difference between who we claim to be and how we react. That is why his wreak, more than anyone else’s, remains still enjoyed, still resented.

David Hare is an English playwright and screenwriter. His new play, I’m Not Running, opens at the National Theatre in the autumn

Waze Data Can Help Predict Car Crashes and Cut Response Time

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Here’s the thing about car disintegrates: They are blessedly pretty rare. In the US, nine beings are injured in motor vehicle disintegrates for every 100 million miles traveled in vehicles, according to data from the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration.

Here’s the thing about computer-based modelings: They’re not great at prophesying rare events. “Accidents are going to be rare anyway, and prototypes tend to miss rare events because they just don’t occur frequently enough, ” says Tristan Glatard, an associate professor of computer science at Concordia University, where he’s working with colleagues to build prototypes that might predict car accidents before they happen. “It’s like discover a needle in a haystack.”

Some good things might happen if someone could find that needle–if they managed to transform streets and roads into brooks of data and prophesy what might happen there. Emergency responders might arrive at crashes a bit faster. Government officials might spot a problematic road and fix it.

OK, it’s not quite forecast the future. But it’s getting eerily close. So even though it’s hard and often expensive and always complicated, cities, investigates, and the federal Department of Transportation are working to do precisely that.

In May, a unit of medical researchers with UCLA and UC Irvine published a article in the periodical Jama Surgery suggesting that places available in California might be able to use data from the crowdsourced traffic app Waze to cut emergency response times.( Waze has a four-year-old program that leaves cities traffic data in exchange for real-time information about troubles its useds might wish to avoid, like sudden street closures .) By comparing the data from the Google-owned service with crash data from the California Highway Patrol, the researchers concluded that Waze users apprise the app of gate-crashes an average of two minutes and 41 seconds before anyone alarms law enforcement.

That nearly three minutes of lead time might not always be the difference between life and death, says Sean Young, a professor of drug at UCLA and UCI who provides as executive director of the University of California Institute for Prediction Technology. But “if these methods can cut the response time down by between 20 to 60 percentage, then it’s going to have the positive clinical influence, ” he says. “It’s generally agreed upon that the faster you get into the emergency room, the better the clinical outcomes will be.”

Last year, the Transportation Department’s Volpe Center wrapped up its own analysis of six months of Waze and collision report data from Maryland, and found something similar: Its investigates could build a computer simulate from the crowdsourced info that closely monitored the accidents reported to the police. In fact, the crowdsourced data had some advantages over the official crash tallies, because it caught gate-crashes that weren’t major enough to be reported, but were major enough to cause serious congestion slowdowns. The authority investigates was also expressed that the simulate could “offer an early indicator of disintegrate gamble, ” identifying where disintegrates might happen before they do.

Now the DOT is funding additional experiment, this time with metropolis that is likely to actually use the data. In Tennessee, government researchers are working with the Highway Patrol to incorporate Waze data into the state’s crash-prediction model, with the aspirations of establishing it accurate down to an hour inside a one-square-mile grid, instead of the current four hours within a 42 -square-mile grid. In Bellevue, Washington, the DOT has helped to build an interactive dashboard that officials can use to identify crash decorations and gambles. If a knot of crashes are happening in the same section of road, “then the heatmap starts glowing, ” says Franz Loewenherz, a Bellevue transportation planner. The metropoli might then start collecting data from local traffic cameras to look for causes.

A view of Bellevue’s crash dashboard. The streets with the most serious and frequent gate-crashes are highlighted in red.

The City of Bellevue, Washington

Bellevue is a nice test case for this kind of data experiment because it’s already very good at collecting and coordinating data from police crash reports and 911 calls to tweak its transportation.( Many neighbourhoods is difficult to even applied their police clang reports under sorts that are useful to road planners so that they might spot persistent crash structures .) The DOT can use Bellevue to research how close the crowdsourced traffic data is to what’s actually happens to the ground.

But it will take a lot of work before this kind of traffic data ventures become mainstream–in part because few neighbourhoods are like Bellevue. “You have to have a lot of data, and diverse types of data, and then be able to analyze it for it to be actionable instead of precisely piling up, ” says Christopher Cherry, an engineering professor at the University of Tennessee who recently completed a study of how traffic data could be used to improve road safety. The traffic data itself is useful, sure. But to predict the risk of accidents, and to prevent them, you should also probably have a sense for where accidents are happening, what the roads in question look like, and how those superhighways play-act under different weather conditions. And then you have to link all those datasets up and help them talk to each other–no small-time feat.

Back at UCLA and UCI, researchers are trying to figure out how they massage the Waze traffic to make it more accurate. There’s a good reason that Google traffic data can’t be subbed for 911 requests, says Young, health researchers: There are still plenty of incorrect positives when traffic data recognizes a crash that isn’t there, or isn’t serious enough to warrant medical notice. “If you use Waze data as the gold standard, and any time a Waze user reports a automobile clang you notify police departments, then you’re diverting them from various kinds of other resources needed for crime, for public health and safety, ” he says.

Glatard and his crew at Concordia, in Montreal, recently released a newspaper hinting they could combine three datasets–on the city’s road systems, on its crashes, and on its weather–to predict where gate-crashes might happen with 85 percentage accuracy. But about one out of every eight disintegrates it predicts never end up happening. Eventually, he’d like to see city governments use this kind of info to route moves around streets that get especially dangerous when it snows. But first, he wants to train the model on more data–datasets on Montreal traffic, and Montreal public transportation, and the route Montreal operators drive. “Models labour as long as we have good data source connection, and a lot of them, ” he says. So before anyone can see gate-crashes before they happen, Minority Report -style, they have to get collecting.

Corrected, 07 -1 2-19, 7:50 pm ET: An earlier version of this history misstated Christopher Cherry &# x27; s university affiliation .


The astonishing disappearing act of Beto O’Rourke

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#Betomania became #Betofatigue in six short months can the Texas Democrat rise again and testify voters what type of president hed be?

When Beto O’Rourke travelled to Yosemite in California to unveil his $ 5tn plan on climate change, a ruffle of stun spanned America. How did the towering grey person with the funny first name known for his punk past, Beatnik road tours and fondness for campaigning atop counters get to be the first Democratic nominee to extol on the crisis of our age?

This wasn’t the O’Rourke that the country had grown used to during his battle with Ted Cruz last-place November for a US Senate seat. Then, the Texas Democrat had propelled himself to within three percentage points of succes, and with it national stardom, by making use of viral lectures about NFL musicians takinga knee and by instilling hope through a feel-good but instead wishy-washy call to unity.

Now here he was framed against the elegance of Yosemite Falls, delivering a granular plan of action worthy of the most nerdish policy wonk. Coming from a politician from oil-rich Texas who has been criticized for his track record on fossil fuels, his proposals for the largest 10 -year investment in history and a goal of net-zero releases by 2050 caught many off guard.

” We were pleasantly astonished ,” said David Turnbull of the climate advocacy group Oil Change US.” When you check someone like Beto O’Rourke calling for the elimination of fossil fuel subsidies and an aim to fossil fuel leasing on public territories- that’s moving in the right direction .”

There was another group of beings hoping to be agreeably surprised by the Yosemite announcement that day- O’Rourke himself and his squad of expedition advisers. They have been battling with one of the great supernatural whodunits of the early period of the 2020 presidential election.

That is: the astonishing disappearing act of Beto O’Rourke.

Beto
Beto O’Rourke listens to environmental advocates on 29 April 2019, in Yosemite national park, California. Photograph: Marcio Jose Sanchez/ AP

Like Houdini, O’Rourke has become from front of stage to a gulp of inhale in six short months. #Betomania morphed into #Betofatigue, apparently overnight.

Look back on the events of 7 November 2018, when he delivered his conceding discussion, having lost to Cruz in a packed sports stadium in El Paso, and you can see the contrast. At that time he was lauded as the politician who could do the impossible: challenge a virulent Republican like Ted Cruz in a solid red nation like Texas and come within an inch of victory.

Next stop Donald Trump? But from the moment he launched his presidential bid in March, he has been struggling. Those exceedingly qualities that had been the recipe of his relative success in Texas unexpectedly became liabilities.

His charming methods and good looks were hurled back in his face as lily-white privilege. That wasn’t helped when he sacrificed Vanity Fair a gift of a one-liner on the eve of launching-” Man, I’m just bear are in conformity with it”- that constituted numerous Democrats wince.

The mere decision to run for the White House was interpreted as chutzpah. As the Daily Beast brutally set it:” Reacting to losing to Ted Cruz by loping for chairperson is like failing to land a role in a community theater production and determined to take your aptitudes to Broadway .”

In the latest poll from Quinnipiac university, O’Rourke is depicting a glum 5% of Democrats and Democratic-leaning voters. He is being outgunned on 10% by Pete Buttigieg, the mayor of South Bend, Indiana, who has stolen much of his thunder.

” We’ve seen Mayor Pete take a leading role in the newcomer district ,” said Quinnipiac’s Peter Brown who predicted worse to come.” We’ve got 18 months to go and I pot this is gonna be other fresh faces taking the spotlight .”

So what happens next to O’Rourke now that the spotlight has swayed away from him? Can he accomplished the Houdini trick and make a reappearance? And if he can, what kind of potential president would he present to the American beings?

‘He was always extremely focused’

Examining those questions, it quickly becomes clear that all roads Beto lead to El Paso. That’s the dust-covered, sunbaked mete city in Texas where he was born Robert Francis O’Rourke in 1972.

His father, Pat, was a businessman and judge, and his mother, Melissa, ran a furniture storage. They were comfortably off and formed part of the white middle class elite in a city that is 80% Latino.

O’Rourke’s foes have tried to depict his youth as one of fecklessness and debauchery. Rightwing pundits like to poke him for the epithet “Beto”, claiming it is a conceit designed to suggest that he has Latino roots, which he does not.

They likewise point to a drunk-driving episode in 1998, his teenaged flirtation with his punk clique Foss and to the period when he struggled around in New York City working as a glorified maid. Reuters recently contributed to that pile of potential negative assault substance with the revelation that O’Rourke had secretly belonged to the prominent “hactivist” radical Cult of the Dead Cow.

But those who have known O’Rourke for years say they do not recognize this caricature of the spoil wildernes boy from the border town. Take Maggie Asfahani, a writer and El Paso restaurateur, who had a teenaged romance with O’Rourke when he was at an all-male boarding school in Virginia.

Asfahani clearly recalls their first encounter in an El Paso mall when he was back on holiday. Her memory instantly places to rest any suggestion that ” Beto ” was an adult affectation.” I’d imagined this Mexican kid, given the name, but there was this really tall white guy. I can categorically reject all that speculation- he was’ Beto’ at least since I’ve known him in “schools ” .”

Asfahani can also, incidentally, put to rest any smutty talk about a much reproduction photograph of O’Rourke flanked by his Foss bandmates in which he wears a long floral dress.

” I was intended to put one across the record, that is my dress he’s wearing ,” she said.” There’s nothing specially complicated about it- we were all hanging out, and someone thought it would be funny if we swopped robes, girl children and guys. That was all, exactly being different .”

What struck Asfahani then as now was something that’s been lost amid the presidential chatter – his seriousness.” He was always very focused. He was this furiously intelligent, strange person who was into things, always wanting to learn things, ever with a book in his hand .”

Asfahani remains in touch with O’Rourke to this day. She reputes the flak he has taken over unearned entitlement since he entered the 2020 race, based on her knowledge of the man, has been unfair.

” It impresses me he is finding his mode on the national stage ,” she said.” He’s being open and honest and vulnerable, hoping parties is in relation to that and envision themselves in it. That’s not a fault: it has been his personality since I’ve known him .”

‘He learned how to give power from crowds’

O’Rourke’s entry into politics followed his return to El Paso, the prodigal son, at age 26. Having been largely away since his teens, he re-engaged with the city, setting up Stanton Street, an internet corporation combined with a short-lived alternative newspaper.

His political minds formed around his ambitions for El Paso, which in the late 90 s was economically depressed and suffering from a brain drain of young people. O’Rourke forged a attachment with four friends who came to be known as the Progressives, one of whom, Veronica Escobar , now occupies the El Paso congressional seat evacuated by O’Rourke.

” What motivated him was the notion that El Paso didn’t have to settle for being a low-key, down-at-heel city which was fine with exporting its offsprings ,” said Bob Moore, former writer of El Paso Times who has known O’Rourke since his return in 1998.

The Progressives’ aspirations for their municipality resulted all four friends to stand for neighbourhood role. All four won, with O’Rourke joining the El Paso city council in 2005.

Moore recalls that in his political infancy O’Rourke section a paradoxically diffident anatomy for a husband now contesting for the White House.” By quality he’s a deep private being. He was very awkward when he first moved for power, uncomfortable in large-scale groups. Then he learned how to take energy from armies, and that has changed him .”

Despite such initial reticence, O’Rourke endorse some revolutionary and highly contentious crusades. He became a passionate advocate of legalization of marijuana long before it was de rigueur, authoring a book with fellow Progressive Susie Byrd, Dealing Death And Drugs, that argued powerfully that the US war on doses was a disaster for both sides of the US-Mexican border.

He too fought to extend health benefits to unmarried and same-sex partnership with city workers, then a hot potato in heavily Catholic El Paso.

You will hear O’Rourke projecting his track record on marijuanas and LGBT claims on the presidential campaign trail. You are much less likely to catch any reference to a third controversy that steadfast him as city councilor, and still does to this day: the redevelopment of downtown El Paso.

The plan to revitalize downtown with a brand-new sports arena, Walmart and other facilities predated O’Rourke’s time to the human rights council, having been initiated in 2004. But he hugged it keenly.

Beto
Beto O’Rourke goes with his wife, Amy Hoover Sanders, and his three children, Ulysses, Henry and Molly in El Paso on 6 November 2018. Photograph: Paul Ratje/ AFP/ Getty Images

His involvement became problematic for two main reasons. The first was his family ties to the mastermind behind the strategy, multi-millionaire real estate magnate William Sanders. Months after O’Rourke met the council, he married Amy Sanders and William Sanders became his father-in-law.

The downtown project was a private-public partnership. The private side involved a civic organization called the Paso del Norte Group, PDNG, which Sanders set up with some of his super-wealthy friends from El Paso.

Controversy erupted when it emerged that O’Rourke was also a member. Did his position, with one hoof in the private PDNG side of the spate and the other on the public council side, amount to a conflict of interest? He was slapped with an moralities complaint, later dismissed.

O’Rourke initially voted in the council to go ahead with the developing project, but as local defiance germinated he recused himself from various key polls. Further cries of foul play sunk on him in 2012, when O’Rourke made an insurgent’s bid to oust the incumbent Congressman for El Paso, Silvestre Reyes.

A company owned by Sanders contributed $40,000 to a Republican-backedSuper Pac that invested in attack ads against Reyes, contributing to O’Rourke’s underdog victory and giving him a leg-up to Washington.

In a recent interrogation with the American Prospect, O’Rourke disclaimed any conflict relating to his father-in-law. Sanders” manufactured it a rule that he religiously followed, never to talk politics”, he said.

But the Sanders connection still irritates with activists opposed to the downtown scheme such as David Romo, a resulting is part of the main objection group Paso del Sur. He said that O’Rourke’s connections to Sanders takes the radiance off his current claim that as a presidential candidate he eschews big bucks and is running a ” people’s expedition “.

Romo told the Guardian that in his view O’Rourke’s role in the redevelopment casts doubt on his 2020 candidacy.” What have taken place in El Paso tells me that the solution to our national questions does not come from a multi-millionaire funded by billionaires who does their dictate .”

Romo is a celebrated historian of El Paso’s revolutionary past and as such is an articulate exponent of the second criticism leveled at O’Rourke over the redevelopment strategy- that he surfaced with gentrification despite the harm it would inflict on poor Latino residents and historic El Paso.” He was the quite face of ugly gentrification .”

O’Rourke is denying that he surfaced with gentrifiers, contending his intention was to breathe new life into the dilapidated mettle of a major metropoli. He did tell the American Prospect, though, that in hindsight he is of the view that he did” a really poor errand of listening to that review “.

‘He certainly does need to answer questions’

Similar controversy followed O’Rourke to Washington. Whether it originated from his innate pragmatism as a politician who tends to decide each problem as it comes rather than following ideology, or whether it was because of his beginnings in Texas, a state that has been dominated by Republicans for the past 20 times, his voting record in Congress was impressing for the current lack of defendant purity.

Although El Paso strays overwhelmingly Democratic, a fivethirtyeight.com tracker shows that he voted 30% of the time in line with Trump. Compare that to his presidential contenders: Kamala Harris( 17% ), Bernie Sanders( 14%) or Elizabeth Warren( 13% ).

That didn’t matter much in his senatorial race last-place November. But then he was running against Ted Cruz, one of the most toxic rightwing senators who even fellow Republicans announce ” Lucifer in the flesh “.

In that hasten he proved himself to have several of the qualities that might appeal to Democratic voters looking for a presidential nominee capable of beating Trump, first and foremost his ability to turn out the vote. He established himself adept in plead to young people, African Americans, Latinos and suburban white-hot ladies- electoral radicals all likely to play a crucial role in 2020 in deciding Trump’s fate.

But the road to the presidential nomination is proving to be a stonier path for O’Rourke than his direction last year. By taking his safarus national he has moved on to much more fertile ground for a Democrat than the traditionally arid soil of Texas, yet it has come at the price of crisply intensified scrutiny.

Which draws O’Rourke back to his climate change announcement amid the splendour of Yosemite Falls. Fossil fuel activists may only be agreeably surprised by O’Rourke’s robust program, but that doesn’t mean they have forgotten that his relationship with the oil industry has been complicated.

He paused for weeks before agreeing to sign the No Fossil Fuel Money Pledge in which candidates forego all gifts above $200 from Pacs, lobbyists and executives of fossil fuel companies. The assurance was particularly sensitive for O’Rourke, who according to Open Secret admitted more contributions from oil and gas in 2018 than any congressional candidate other than Ted Cruz.

He has said his hesitancy was because of concerns for everyday employees in service industries who should be allowed to participate. The the organisers of the pledge nonetheless was also emphasized that only the donations of top boss were excluded.

In the end, he did sign the assurance, two days after his Yosemite declaration.

Another sticking point is that O’Rourke voted twice in Congress to hoist a 40 -year ban on US exports of crude oil. He tried to justify the voting rights in October 2015, two months before the Paris Agreement on combating climate change was adopted by 195 commonwealths, by arguing that US crude was cleaner than that of other nations and” the lubricant that gives the current dominant mode of transportation will have to come from somewhere “.

The lifting of the ban has led to a massive spike in US crude exportations, from well under 1m barrels a day to more than 3m per daytime currently.” There’s been a dangerous and problematic an increasing number of the distillation of crude oil driven by exports in the US. He certainly does need to answer questions about that referendum ,” David Turnbull of Oil Change US said.

It all points to the steep uphill climb that Beto O’Rourke faces if he is to claw his behavior back into the Democratic spotlight. The Yosemite announcement made a solid start, innovating American voters to a more serious, focused politician than they had previously been shown.

Now the real scramble begins.

Ruler Harry sues 2 British tabloids over alleged voicemail hacking

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Tesla driver says automobile was in autopilot when it disintegrated at 60 mph

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Driver of Model S, which failed to stop at a red light and crashed with a firetruck in Utah, told researchers she was using the semi-autonomous system

The driver of a Tesla gondola that failed to stop at a red light and collided with a firetruck told sleuths that the vehicle was operating on “autopilot” mode when it crashed, police said.

A Tesla Model S was traveling at 60 mph when it crashed with the emergency vehicle in South Jordan, Utah, on Friday, making minor injuries to both operators, officials said Monday. The Tesla driver’s claim that the car was using the autopilot technology has raised fresh the issues of the electric car company’s semi-autonomous system, which is supposed to assist operators in navigating the road.

The exact crusade of the gate-crash, which left the driver with a burst ankle, remains unknown, with Tesla saying it did not yet have the car’s data and could not comment on whether autopilot was engaged. South Jordan police also said the 28 -year-old driver” admitted that she was looking at her telephone prior to the collision” and that onlookers said the car did not brake or take any action to avoid the crash.

” As a reminder for drivers of semi-autonomous vehicles, it is the driver’s responsibility to stay alert, drive safely, and be in control of the vehicle at all times ,” the police department said in a statement.

The
The stage of the crash in Utah. Photograph: Courtesy of the South Jordan police district

While driverless technology is expected to construct the roads vastly safer by reducing human error and crashes, firms like Tesla are currently in a transition period that some experts say has created unique risks. That’s because semi-autonomous facets, investigate has shown, can lull motorists into a false sense of security and make it hard for them to remain alert and intervene as needed.

Tesla has faced backlash for his determination to label these new technologies” autopilot“, in recognition of the fact that the motorists are expected not to depend on the boast to keep them safe.

After a Tesla autopilot crash in March resulted in the driver’s death, the company issued a series of lengthy statements accusing the victim for” not paying attention “.

On Monday, Tesla’s CEO Elon Musk complained about an article on the Utah crash, writing on Twitter:” It’s super messed up that a Tesla crash resulting in a separate ankle is front sheet news and the~ 40,000 people who died in US auto accidents alone in past year get almost no coverage .”

He likewise wrote that it was ” actually amazing” the collision at 60 mph simply been instrumental in a smash ankle:” An impact at that acceleration frequently arises in severe injury or death .”

Musk has on numerous occasions forcefully chastised correspondents investigating Tesla crashes, arguing that the unflattering news coverage was dissuading beings from using these new technologies and thus” killing people” in the process. After Tesla recently labeled an award-winning news outlet an” extremist company”, some commentators compared the company’s hyperbolic denouncements of the press to the anti-media strategy of Donald Trump.

Bachelor Stars Sean Lowe& Catherine Giudici Welcome Their Second Child! See The First Photos& Name HERE!

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Another

The reality TV starlet shared the( above) photo on Instagram, and even revealed their child boy’s name! Introducing …

Isaiah Hendrix!

One-year-old Samuel Thomas officially has a little brother!

The father-of-two also shared the following snap of his treasured bundle of joy 😛 TAGEND

Meet my boy Isaiah Hendrix. Thank you Lord .A post shared by Sean Lowe (@ seanloweksu) on May 18, 2018 at 3:33 pm PDT

On Twitter, Sean uncovered Catherine had a C-section, and made an EXTREMELY corny dad joke about it!

Sterns: The raves in the chamber of representatives on the hill

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Image copyright Marmite/ Tony Ladd Image caption Flyers for Sterns often referenced well-known household firebrands

At the high levels of its popularity, ravers blocked the roads of rural Sussex trying to get to a 19 th Century mansion whose floorings pounded with the clangs of the so-called Second Summer of Love. But the success of Sterns nightclub would partially lead to its downfall. Simply three years after it began, the party was over.

Worthing in the early 1990 s was “a very bearing place”, recollects DJ Carl Cox – except for the fact the coastal town had a club that was “1 00% equivalent to the Hacienda” – the Manchester club that epitomised the rise of rave culture at the time.

“There was this lunatic organization off the A24 – one of “the worlds largest” unlikely parts of the world, ” says the house music legend and Space Ibiza pioneer. “It was in the middle of nowhere. There was no Uber , no taxis , no internet, and the line-up was ‘London’.

“You saw this manor house – it was the only place which had three floorings when all other nightclubs had one. You started in and everyone was going mad. You went downstairs and they were going mad. You went underground and it was just going off.”

Image copyright Rachel Jones Image caption Parties at Sterns often went on into the early hours

The house formerly known as Sterns was bought in 1919 by Sir Frederick Stern – banker, horticulturalist and one-time private secretary to ex-Prime Minister David Lloyd George.

By the 1980 s it was owned by Richard Garrett, who worked with music promoters Interdance. It was the eyesight of its leader Mensa that turned the mansion on Highdown Rise into a rave venue that predated super-clubs like Ministry of Sound, Gatecrasher and Cream and lured headliners such as Moby, The Prodigy, Sasha, Fabio and Grooverider.

The club had a view of the sea from its top openings and overlooked a town that was – and still is – characterised by its older demographic. It was an unexpected point in which to find all-night raves which paid adoration to the Second Summer of Love – a shift embraced by British youth culture between 1988 and 1989 that came from the house clubs of Chicago.

Image copyright Rachel Jones Image caption Rachel Jones and Mensa would regularly travel to London to hear the most recent music

Life in Britain in the early 1990 s was punctuated by Freedom to Party marchings and Conservative rule, while the headlines were dominated by ecstasy and illegal raves. The prevalence of the latter, particularly those in warehouses and lands around the M2 5, eventually led to the Criminal Justice Act, which famously targeted music “characterised by the emission of a succession of tedious outdoes“.

But parties at Stern, which operated from 1990 to 1993, were legal under a public presentation licence granted by Worthing Borough Council. The official cut-off time was 03:00 but the music often carried out under until 06:00, under what former club staff describe as a “gentleman’s agreement”.

While it was licensed as a members-only club, its exclusivity was seemingly elastic. Mensa’s girlfriend, Rachel Jones, obstructed a handwritten list of members which she recalls topped about 12,000 figures.

“I was 19 and it was phenomenal. We roamed, we did happenings in other cities, we lived the good life.

“It was a vibe – that’s what Mensa put into the place. I can see him now, standing out there, wearing a suit, the dignity on his face.”

Image copyright Rachel Jones Image caption Sterns became staggeringly favourite, with parties touring from all over the UK

Sterns contacted people through flyers and word of mouth, producing parties down from London, Birmingham, Manchester, and even from across Europe.

Its point was certainly unique – Jody Cottier recollects how they dug the basement of the house out of the South Downs chalk hillside, which isolated the huge sound system. Sweat and moisture famously dripped from the walls and ceiling, a phenomenon drawn attention to by many as “Sterns rain”.

“You ambled downstairs and you felt the body heat coming up, and the resonate was like being in a loudspeaker, ” says Jody.

“It was a shared feeling, a sound. Everyone was into music – it was anarchy on the dance floor.”

Image copyright Phil Dent/ Getty Image caption Sterns hosted a number of behaves that went on to become big names, including the Prodigy

James Holdsworth, who runs the Sterns Facebook page, remembers how affairs were improved at the after-parties at Chaffinches Farm in Birdham – then home to the Interdance crew. He describes it as a “real, creative hub” where very best of the week’s music was recorded at the farm’s own studio.

Mensa prided himself on playing the newest music at the team, regularly walking with Rachel to London to listen to pirate radio and recording music on cassettes to bring home because the reception on the south coast was so poor. At the guild, DJs regularly countenanced lily-white descriptions from those in the crowd hoping to have their work played exclusively.

Former Sterns sound technologist Simon Scutt says Mensa’s distribution of music “fresh off the turntable” facilitated spread the word about the guild.

“He was very cunning, very savvy. It took a huge amount of energy. He’d drive thousands of miles. He circulated music as far as Scotland and abroad – and that music had only been heard at Sterns.”

Image copyright Tony Ladd Image caption One flyer was based on the government’s “Charley Says” children’s public intelligence films – although Sterns intentionally misspelled it
Image caption Sterns had three floorings open to its members with techno on the top floor, garage and house in the middle and hardcore in the cellar

Mensa’s DIY aesthetic too extended to the club’s peculiar flyers, a 50,000 led which took all nighttime to etch. Tony Ladd, who designed many of them, says they hit on the idea to use household names such as Marmite alongside tongue-in-cheek wordplay to distinguish Sterns from other fraternities.

“Using food and product-based hypothesis was a conscious effort to get the flyers to blend in delicately, as stacks[ of them] were distributed in shops and on bars in public situates everywhere, ” he adds.

The club’s popularity was to prove a double-edged sword. Each party was regularly attracting 2,500 parties when it merely had ability for 900, says Simon, and cars would block the roads and were left parked on the center territory of the A259.

Sussex Police already had Sterns on its radar over medicines subjects of concern and the added courtesy from overcrowding fuelled the issue. Simon remembers how he and Mensa were arrested on Fontwell roundabout during a raid in 1992 when men targeted autoes approaching the club.

“We thought we were being cheated, but it was the police. They got us out[ through] the car windows and they handcuffed us to each other across the top of the car.”

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Media captionMichael Hassanyeh and Nigel Bulloch captured the spirit of Sterns on cinema

Sussex Police says it no longer maintains any records about Sterns but David Kenny, who has grew a 90 -minute documentary about the association, says the 1992 attacked was a game-changer.

“Once police started knocking on the door, it changed the vibe, ” he says.

“There were dopes, without a darknes of a uncertainty, but the practice things went be dealing with pushed them right underground. Closing the organization doesn’t tackle the issues.

“Those editions were freedom of expression and the music shift spreading through the country.”

Image copyright Rachel Jones Image caption Sterns regularly allured 2,500 beings when the society merely had capacity for 900

Councillor Steve Waight was tasked with visiting the mansion when he was elected. He said concerns about the organization were nothing to do with the music, the clientele, or any kind of reaction to a youth movement.

The 64 -year-old, who still baby-sit on the Worthing and West Sussex permissions, is to continue to resist renewal of the licence, which was awarded in 1990 when Mensa procured money from Margaret Thatcher’s Enterprise Allowance.

“I departed up there with uniformed the police force and we envisioned open drug-dealing in the car park. My concern was solely the flagrant and widespread utilize of illegal drugs.”

Image copyright Rachel Jones Image caption Revellers would often clog up the urban country roads trying to are going to the venue

Richard Garrett contend the courts over the licence, telling magistrates that medications researches at the fraternity were so thorough he would have been humiliated to undergo them himself. But ultimately, he failed to convince them.

Newspaper reports at the time cited a number of issues, including overcrowding and drug users. According to papers identified by the BBC under the Freedom of Information Act, Interdance lodged a further appeal with the crown courtroom, but the law proposal was withdrawn.

Journalist Thomas Green, who lectures on dance music at the University of Chichester, speculates Worthing Council has never wanted to celebrate Sterns, describing the town as tiny, republican and, at the time, “offended by the club”.

“They subjugated and crushed it. People involved with it certainly felt harassed. The principle and council did not want it.”

Image copyright Rachel Jones Image caption Punters remember how the mirrors and fluorescent decorate of the basement somehow obligated the opening seem larger

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Image copyright Rachel Jones Image caption Others remember the hot of the club’s parcelled areas

Sterns closed before the Criminal Justice Act came into force in 1994. But its downfall indicated the national disconnect between youth culture and the authorities.

Two years earlier, thousands of ravers had gate-crashed a free celebration for new age travellers at Castlemorton Common – different situations widely viewed as the catalyst for what came next.

The then-Home Secretary Michael Howard had told the BBC the law wasn’t designed to counter rave culture, but preferably to match one group of people’s interests with another’s. But this was also a Britain whose Prime Minister John Major had famously hit out at new age travellers and decorated a picture of a nation that prided itself on warm beer and cricket sand .

“Sterns was the antithesis – dancing to loud music in an empathic and affection culture that was not necessarily based on people settling down, ” says Green.

Image copyright Getty Images Image caption Protests against the Criminal Justice Act 1994 became known as “Kill the Bill”
Image copyright Rachel Jones Image caption Rachel recollects a feeling of belonging at the club

Sterns contained its last party on 14 August 1993. Six months later, in February 1994, Mensa was killed in a gondola crash.

Rachel recollects how he had set off, merely to return five minutes later because he had forgotten his Filofax.

“He joked and he said ‘I love you, but only just’ and off he went.”

At the inquest, the coroner said Mensa – real call Adam Todd – had been overtaking , not wearing a seatbelt and quickening at 80 or 90 mph in a 60 mph province. His death from multiple hurts was ruled industrial accidents, and a beer he had drunk at lunch was cited as a relevant factor.

Interdance extended a few cases more phenomena in Bracklesham Bay, near Chichester, after Sterns closed and the association briefly reopened as Mansion House. But the party was over.

Jody, whose cousin survived the car gate-crash, says: “When Mensa died, Sterns died with him.”

Image copyright Thomas Niedermueller/ Getty Image caption DJ Carl Cox says Sterns was “1 00% equivalent” to Manchester’s Hacienda squad

The building is now a inn, but retentions of the south coast’s tribute to the Second Summer of Love are fondly recollected by those who whiled away the nights within its walls.

Highpoints for Danny Bushell include the police helicopter descending in the car park to disperse ravers at noon – the day after the nighttime before – and reading Prodigy for the first time in October 1991.

“Entering Sterns was like opening a secret door, ” recalls another punter, Rob Ford. “Being in the house immediately gave you an vigour numerous had never felt before.”

Image copyright Getty Image caption Freedom to Party objectors rallied through London’s streets in 1990

Green describes what happened at Sterns as a “socio-music phenomenon” – something not investigated since punk in the late 1970 s.

“Sterns was a key plaza where people would come to dance to music create in people’s bedrooms, music that was getting in the charts without being played on the radio: instrumental, electronic, minimalist music.

“We wouldn’t have The Prodigy and the Chemical Brother without it.”

Filmmaker Kenny, who is expected to exhaust his documentary pending licensing agreements, speculates the vigour that fuelled Sterns indicated a feeling of freedom and belonging.

“We should be hugely proud of what we were a part of, ” he says.

“But it happened too quickly. It was a moment in time. For a lot of people that was their time in life.”

A Sterns reunion will be held in Brighton on 24 August.

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Police endeavour suspect after packet bomb explosion in France

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Twelve people injured in incident described by Emmanuel Macron as an attack

Police in France were hunting a suspect following a explode in a pedestrian street in the heart of Lyon that wounded more than a dozen beings simply two days before the country’s intensely contested European parliament elections.

The president, Emmanuel Macron, announced Friday’s blowup, apparently from a container jam-pack with shrapnel and placed in the street, an “attack” and mail his interior minister, Christophe Castaner, to Lyon.

Surveillance
A chassis grasp from a surveillance video proving a husband pushing a mountain bike in the vicinity of a believe pack rocket explode in Lyon. Photograph: AFP/ Getty Images

Police issued an appeal for bystanders on Twitter as they endeavoured the suppose, a follower believed to be in his early 30 s on a mountain bicycle caught on protection cameras in the area immediately before the explosion.

They posted an image of the man, wearing light-coloured shorts and a longsleeved dark top and described it as “dangerous”.

The country’s justice minister, Nicole Belloubet, told BFM television it was too soon to say whether the blast was a “terrorist act”.

A police source said the package contained” pins or shafts” and had been placed in front of a bakery.

The number of injured stood at 13 beings, with 11 sent to hospital. None of the injuries was life-threatening.

Macron said:” It’s not for me to give a fee, but it seems “there arent” fatalities. There have been injuries, so obviously I’m thinking of these injured and their families .”

Denis Broliquier, the mayor of the city’s second arrondissement, said:” An eight-year-old girl was wounded … We’re somewhat relieved because apparently there were no serious injuries but, on the other hand, we are certain it was an explosive machine .”

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Lyon bombing described by Emmanuel Macron as an ‘attack’ – video

” There was an blowup and I thought it was a car crash ,” said Eva, a 17 -year-old student who was about 15 metres( 50 hoofs) from the site of the blast.” There were flecks of electrical wire near me and artilleries and bits of cardboard and plastic. The spaces were blown out .”

A terrorism investigation has been opened by the Paris prosecutor’s office, which is competent over all horror specimen in the country.

France has been on high alert following a curve of deadly terror attacks since 2015 that have killed more than 250 people.